Showing posts with label War on Terror. Show all posts
Showing posts with label War on Terror. Show all posts

11/16/07

Report says Iran is being honest about nuclear program

Imagine you are the foreign editor of the New York Times. Your newspaper is now notorious for its complicity in drumming up support for the war -- so much so they had to issue an apology for their coverage. And now it is well documented and clear to the entire nation, and indeed the world, that the the White House is trying to drum up support for a war with Iran -- using, at least in part, the logic that Iran is trying to build nuclear weapons.

So let us say you learn that that the International Atomic Energy Agency has released a new report that states, unambigiougly, that there is no evidence that Iran is building a bomb.


"Iran has provided sufficient access to individuals and has responded in a timely manner and provided clarification and amplifications on issues raised in the context of the work plan [of Iran and the IAEA]."

And let us imagine that this is not the first time such a report has made similar conclusions. So how would you, dear editor, handle this? Would you --knowing that the current admistration has a reputation for lying a country into war, and that your paper was partly at fault -- try to inform the public that the most respected agency in the world regarding nuclear weapons, has put a huge dent in the White House's rationale for war?

Well perhaps you would. But the editors at the New York Times -- and many other major US papers -- feel no such obligation. For, just yesterday such a report was released and the Times somehow managed to assist Bush and Cheney in building a case for the war. Burying the article on A12 (Barry Bonds gets front page treatment, however), the Times leads the story as such:

The International Atomic Energy Agency said in a report on Thursday that Iran had made new but incomplete disclosures about its past nuclear activities, missing a critical deadline under an agreement with the agency and virtually assuring a new push by the United States to impose stricter international sanctions.

In the report, the agency confirmed for the first time that Iran had reached the major milestone of 3,000 operating centrifuges, a tenfold increase from just a year ago. In theory, that means that it could produce enough uranium to make a nuclear weapon within a year to 18 months.


Now the the White House and Israel have, unsurprisingly, dimsissed the report. But the Times' take on the report seems very much to dempahsize realities that are detrimental to the US and its allies. This is of course, nothing new. This summer I wrote about how the Times ignored reports by Human Rights Watch that concluded Israel, Washington's closest ally, was responsible for civvilian deatsh in Lebanon and was guily of war crimes.


Human Rights Watch concluded that “the primary reason for the high Lebanese civilian death toll was Israel’s frequent failure to abide by a fundamental obligation of the laws of war” and that “Israel conducted the war with reckless indifference to the fate of Lebanese civilians.” It also stated, contrary to the repeated claims by the Israeli government, that “Hezbollah’s practices does not
support the Israeli contention that Hezbollah violations were the principal cause of Lebanese civilian casualties.”

One might hope that such searing account of war crimes committed by a US ally that receives massive military aid from the United States, would be worthy of serious analysis from the paper of record. But to the contrary, the Times barely covered the story and only dedicated 139 words to the issue, all taken from a much longer AP article, and buried it on page A12.When I asked Human Rights Watch Executive Director Ken Roth what he thought of the Times’ meager coverage he said: “[T]he Times is ordinarily one of the most conscientious about publishing on HRW’s major reports. Israel is an exception, not the rule.”

And indeed this isn’t a new phenomenon. Last summer when HRW released a report that had similar conclusions in the middle of the conflict (Aug 3 2006, “Fatal Strikes: Israel’s Indiscriminate Attacks Against Civilians in Lebanon”) the Times did not even dedicate an entire article to the report and instead buried a mere 121 words 16 paragraphs deep into a story called “Civilians Lose As Fighters Slip Into Fog of War.”



As an Asia Times articles notes:


[D]espite the leap forward in Iran-IAEA cooperation signifying a qualitative improvement in the area of Iran's nuclear transparency, eg, the fact that all of the 266 tonnes of uranium hexafluoride (UF6) "remain under agency containment and surveillance", the US government and aspects of its media allies have opted to focus on IAEA head Mohammad ElBaradei's claim that the agency's knowledge of Iran's nuclear program is "diminishing" solely due to the lack of implementation of the intrusive Additional Protocol of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).

"UN losing grip on Iran nuclear plan," the CNN headline on ElBaradei's report read, followed with the spin, bolstered by commentators sounding the US government's position, that the IAEA has admitted "it was no longer in touch with how Iran's nuclear program was developing".

That is certainly stretching it, since a careful scrutiny of the nine-page IAEA report conveys the opposite impression - of the agency's near complete mastery of knowledge of all aspects of Iran's nuclear program.


It is just the latest example of a clear trend: the US media serves the interest of the nation's ruling elites, and in the process makes war seem more likely. It is not surpsising, but infuriating nonetheless.

4/4/07

Opposing the War on Terror (cont.)

As I have said before, we need to do more than end the War in Iraq -- we need to end the so-called "Global War on Terror." The Military Times has an interesting report on the use of the term.

The House Armed Services Committee is banishing the global war on terror from the 2008 defense budget.

This is not because the war has been won, lost or even called off, but because the committee’s Democratic leadership doesn’t like the phrase.

A memo for the committee staff, circulated March 27, says the 2008 bill and its accompanying explanatory report that will set defense policy should be specific about military operations and “avoid using colloquialisms.”

The “global war on terror,” a phrase first used by President Bush shortly after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the U.S., should not be used, according to the memo. Also banned is the phrase the “long war,” which military officials began using last year as a way of acknowledging that military operations against terrorist states and organizations would not be wrapped up in a few years.

Unsurprisingly, those unilateralist hawks over at the Weekly Standard are a bit disappointed and are calling this a "War on the 'War on Terror.'"

3/18/07

Opposing the War on Terror

Katrina vanden Heuvel writes an important piece about the need to end not just The War in Iraq, but also the War on Terror.

We would do better --both in addressing the danger of a wider sectarian war with failing regimes in the Middle East, and in combating terrorism-- to reduce the heavy US military and geopolitical footprint in the region. That means withdrawing US forces from Iraq and organizing regional diplomacy, including with Iran and Syria, to contain the civil war from spreading to other countries in the region. It would mean addressing the legitimate grievances that arouse the passions of many in the Islamic world, especially Israel's occupation of the West Bank. And it would mean changing the conversation with the people of the Arab and Islamic worlds from the danger of extremism to the promise of more economic opportunity.

I am in total lockstep with her on this one, and in fact, last fall I wrote a piece called In Opposition to the War on Terror, which essentially argued the exact same thing.

But the war on terror as a concept is largely safe from critical dialogue from American’s politicians on both parties. In fact, Democrats who challenge the legitimacy or effectiveness of the Iraq War, argue that it is merely a “distraction” from the war on terror and will limit our options to invade other countries, such as Iran. In other words, pre-emptive wars of aggression are fine, a constant state of warfare is fine, but Iraq was executed ineptly.

[...]

This debate ought to be expanded past Iraq, and discussed more broadly. The reason for this is simple: It is President Bush’s global war on terror, not Iraq, which has been used to justify all the administration’s war policies, including the invasion of Iraq.

[...]

Such ambiguities enable the US government to simply decide what terrorism is on a case-by-case basis. The mere existence of the war on terror already serves as a justification for future wars, further torture and more assaults on our privacy and personal liberties.

[...]

Accordingly, we should oppose all continuous wars, including Bush’s war on terror. If we fail to do this, we will settle for the only alternative: a state of perpetual warfare.